It will do this by drawing on recent literature on the nature of political community and civic friendship, the way political institutions mould citizens, and state neutrality and perfectionism. The criticism that liberalism is problematically individualistic is a longstanding one. Yet this criticism has had little traction in the past two decades. I believe the main reason for this is that liberals such as John Rawls (following his political turn) and Will Kymlicka, responding to this criticism, drew the insights from the communitarian critique of liberalism while preserving liberalism's essential characteristics. However, the thesis will seek to argue that even the updated liberalism of political liberalism is indeed undesirably individualistic, but not in the way the communitarian criticisms of the 1980s and 90s alleged. Focusing on John Rawls - an emblematic contemporary liberal - for the sake of simplicity and clarity, the thesis will first establish whether justice as fairness is individualistic, distinguishing between three kinds of individualism. It will argue that Rawls is committed to 'moral individualism'. It will then argue that his moral individualism leads Rawls to two further types of individualism, which I term 'procedural individualism' and 'sovereign individualism'. The thesis will then press three objections to Rawls' procedural and sovereign individualism using recent work on political liberalism. The three lines of criticism are united by their objection to Rawls' attempt to leave individuals as free as possible to hold their own view of the good and pursue their own projects. The first questions whether the shared commitments of the members of a Rawlsian polity would be strong enough to maintain the social unity and stability Rawls himself emphasises is so important for justice as fairness to succeed. The second suggests that justice as fairness, in seeking to maximise the freedom of individuals to pursue their own interests, would encourage the kind of individualistic dispositions Rawls explicitly tries to avoid. And the third suggests that Rawls' desire to respect individual autonomy, and consequent wariness of state intervention in the lives of individuals, actually disrespects citizens by failing to use the resources of the state in ways that promote their good.

Despite two decades of economic growth, sub-Saharan African economies continue to exhibit a considerable manufacturing deficit and are characterised by low-productivity firms, low levels of technology and unsophisticated exports. There is empirical evidence indicating that this is, in part, responsible for the slow progress in terms of poverty reduction and employment generation observed in the region. Moreover, research findings suggest that countries which manage to enlarge, diversify and upgrade their manufactured products have greater prospects for sustainable long-term growth. The disappointing development of the manufacturing sectors of most African economies during the investment climate reform period in the past twenty years have brought more active approaches to industrial policy back to the fore. The East Asian experience since the 1980s has shown that foreign direct investment (FDI) can transfer capabilities from foreign to domestic firms as a result of technology and knowledge externalities. Moreover, FDI can increase market competition and provide domestic firms with access to regional and global value chains. Thereby, it can play a key role in shifting economies towards higher value-added activities, manufacturing and thus structural transformation and diversification. Especially rising wages and economic rebalancing away from export-led growth in Asia as well as the emergence of global value chains represent a window of opportunity for African economies. In fact, evidence suggests that FDI to sub-Saharan Africa has diversified the scale of activity across existing industries and widened the range of manufacturing activities. Policy-makers have identified these opportunities and developing countries spend large sums on specific infrastructure, investment promotion agencies and incentive packages to attract FDI. This raises critical questions about cost-efficiency, especially considering the scarcity of public resources in developing countries. Broadly, my research aims to contribute to a better understanding of the effects of multinational enterprises (MNEs) and FDI on regional innovation, productivity and regional development. It is thus in accordance with the research interests of Professor Riccardo Crescenzi. More precisely, the research analyses the role FDI can play in the structural transformation of sub-Saharan African economies. Researchers and policy-makers have pointed out a need for new research to better understand the dynamics and mechanisms of knowledge and technology spillovers in specific contexts. Therefore, this research analyses the existence, channels and mechanisms of knowledge and technology spillovers in the specific context of poor institutions, weak absorptive capacity and natural resource-abundance. These insights are crucial to inform policy-design on how to maximise benefits of FDI in host regions which is the main motivation and objective of this research

Brief outline of the research agenda The theory of procedural justice is built on the idea that when people evaluate their interactions with the police, they are primarily focussed on whether or not the officer makes objective and neutral decisions and treats them in a fair and respectful manner. When people are treated in a procedurally just manner, they tend to find the authorities morally appropriate and give consent to their actions and demands even when they disagree with them. In turn, when people view legal authorities as proper and just, they feel a normatively grounded duty to comply with the law and cooperate with the police and criminal courts. The concept of legitimacy lies at the heart of democratic policing, in that in a democratic society police must seek and maintain public support by acting impartially, using coercion proportionately and persuading the citizenry that they are an institution that is entitled to be obeyed. Yet, in the procedural justice literature, most of the empirical evidence gathered so far is observational in nature, and rely on the interpretation of statistical associations. In fact, there is a dearth of research systematically assessing the causal claims made by the theory. In a recent review of the literature, Nagin and Telep (2017: 18) voiced their concern: "What has not been established is whether these associations reflect a causal connection between procedurally just treatment and perceived legitimacy and compliance." However, without empirical research demonstrating robust causal relationships, it is difficult to devise successful policy initiatives. Thus, my principal aim with this fellowship is to test and advance theoretical understanding of some core causal claims of the policing literature. Specifically, I will scrutinise neighbourhood-level and location-based police effects. There is a substantial heterogeneity in the citizens' experiences and views regarding police officers but it is yet unclear to what extent this can be attributed to varying policing strategies in different neighbourhoods. By using geo-coded administrative police data, and merging it with public attitudes surveys, my research can identify policing practices that work best in particular neighbourhoods, to provide tailored recommendations to police forces. To identify causal effects, I will use state-of-the-art causal inference techniques, multilevel matching and location-based regression discontinuity designs. In a nushell, the current proposal plans to address one crucial aspect of procedural justice policing: how the effects of policing initiatives vary across neighbourhoods with different characteristics?

This research seeks to elaborate the concept of anti-Blackness as a global socio-political and spatial logic through the lens of social dances - the participatory dances that convene, entertain, and concretize a community. Specifically, I look at 'booty dances' such as whining and twerking and their counterparts across the globe and through history. This is an archival project of mapping anti-Blackness through movements situated in an extensive history of Black dispossession in slave plantation, colony, ex-colony, and imperial core that can be found in archives as well as forwarding the Black body as an archive itself where these dances show history contained in the body. Black diasporic movement then refers to both how Black people have been made to move across the globe and the new social dances that arise from this movement. My research builds on studies undertaken during my master's theorising anti-Black internationalism and Black body as archive.